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What Does The Birth Of South Sudan Mean For Asia?

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South Sudan

The big news over the weekend was unarguably the birth of the world’s 193rd country and Africa’s 54th nation – South Sudan.

While millions of South Sudanese celebrated euphorically in Juba (the capital of South Sudan) and the rest of the world, leaders in Asia, a continent where kids are taught to be competitive right from kindergarten, were busy preparing blueprints of diplomatic policies to engage (read : benefit) from this development.

So what does the newly formed country have which has most powerful nations in Asia licking their chops? Well, a lot of things:

Oil: This is almost like stating the obvious. South Sudan has inherited most of united Sudan’s oil fields. About three-quarters of Sudan’s roughly 500,000 barrels per day of oil output came from the south which now makes South Sudan one of the most oil-rich countries in Africa.

Infrastructure projects: South Sudan has virtually no infrastructure at the moment. Consequently the leadership of the country has announced it will mobilize US$ 500 billion for infrastructure development in the next five years. The country also has ambitions to leverage its central location by building an airport and becoming the hub of the African countries and the world just like Dubai and Singapore. All this is music to the ears of infrastructure companies, especially the ones which are backed by the state in Asia.

Arable land: It is a well worn out statement in the investment management industry which says ‘’Middle-East has oil, China has Rare Earths and Africa has food.” South Sudan is the size of France but with only 8.5 million people. As per the Food and Agricultural Organization, only 84% of the country's arable land is used for crops. If farmed efficiently, it is estimated that South Sudan could feed all of Africa (or India or China) i.e. over a billion mouths.

Natural resources: The country has vast mineral wealth resources most of which remains untapped to date. As a result there are no accurate estimates for them but the country well has the potential to be the ‘Mongolia of Africa’.

How are the Asian countries going about sending ‘friend requests’ to their new entrant on the world map?

China: China being China didn’t waste any time in becoming a ‘big brother’ to the infant African nation by signing the joint communique on the establishment of diplomatic relations with South Sudan. But Chinese leadership shall be walking a tightrope here because while it is building ties with Juba, it remains a major supporter of the North Sudanese government for whom it is one of the major arms suppliers. This won’t sit too well with the people of South Sudan who are seeing this day after decades of civil unrest and millions of deaths.

India: India seems to have piped China in this one. I think the country foresaw the split of Sudan a few years ago and embarked on efforts to build relationships with the ‘would be’ leadership of South Sudan.The same included regularly inviting South Sudan officials and politicians to India for training and exchange programs from 2006 onwards. In 2007, India became one of the first countries to open a consulate in Juba. The new leaders of South Sudan don’t seem to have forgotten their Indian friends and have been singing ballads in their praise since their independence which was just about 72 hours ago.

South Korea: Taking a cue from China, South Korea has also warmed up to the newest sovereign nation in the world and signed a diplomatic accord with it on Saturday.

So what is the future game plan going to be for these countries? In my humble opinion both India and China are going to go all-out in offering to build massive infrastructure projects like roads, dams, etc. for South Sudan. They shall pad it up with the creation of social infrastructure like schools, hospital, zoos (South Sudan is now the world’s second largest migration of animals) etc. However, the differentiating factor would be what each of them wants in return.

Discounting oil, which is a common goal for all nations, I suspect India shall be more focused on securing its food needs while China would be hungry for minerals and raw materials needed to power its economic growth. Either way, one thing is very clear – neither India nor China are doing what they are doing to ‘help the people of South Sudan realize peace, development and prosperity’ as they proclaim. All of this is a part of their cold blooded tactic to plunder South Sudan’s natural resources. Welcome to Imperialism 2.0. At the same time, it is impossible to imagine that the leaders of South Sudan are unaware of the motives of the country’s new ‘friends’.

Make no mistake – South Sudan shall need India and China (along with the others who shall be joining the plundering queue very soon) if it is to grow from a country having one of the lowest literacy levels, abject poverty and non-existent infrastructure to one which provides a decent standard of living to its citizens. However, only time shall tell whether the leaders of the new nation cut deals in the country’s best interests or their own.

(Tanuj Khosla is currently working as a Research Analyst at 3 Degrees Asset Management, a fund management firm in Singapore. He can be followed on Twitter @Tanuj_Khosla. Alternatively he can be reached at khosla.tanuj@gmail.com. Views expressed are personal.)

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10 Of The World's Most Dangerous Nations

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Deadly Sudan

The world is a dangerous place.

On this planet, you need to watch your back from murderers, rapists, robbers, wars, disease, and natural disasters-- just to name a few.

With this in mind, we put together a list of the most dangerous places in the world. Sure, you can face peril in any country, city, small town, or even at your own hand, but some spots just seem to have it out for us.

Various Middle Eastern and African nations make our list, but some of the other selections may surprise you.

The United States: Homicide

The United States boasts a shockingly high number of gun-related homicides per-year among Westernized nations, clocking in at 8,719 (the next highest, Germany, has 381).

There are more than 200 million guns nationwide, and over 2 million people in prisons. The U.S. sees 50 murders each day, making it the 10th most common cause of death among American men.

5,000 people die a year in truck crashes, 6,000 pedestrians dies on the streets, and 31,000 people a year end their own lives.



Brazil: Gang Violence

Despite growing economic success, the majority of Brazilians live deep in poverty. The result of this hardship is one of the world's highest murder rates, with 32.5 murders per 100,000 people, 88% of which are committed with firearms.

Out-of-control street crime, gang violence, robberies and kidnappings are common on the streets of Rio de Janeiro and São Paolo.

Even the beaches are a threat: strong riptides and a higher-than-average probability of shark attacks make relaxation risky.



South Africa: Sexual Assault

South Africa is number two in the world for homicides, with 51 per 100,000 people murdered in the 2000s -- around 50 people are killed here every day giving the small country the third highest death rate world wide.

South Africa has been called "the rape capital of the world," and that's especially troublesome in a country of over 10 million people with HIV.

The most dangerous occupation in South Africa is farming, with murders among the profession eight times the national average.



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A Map of Emerging Global Risks From The Last Two Weeks

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While recent headlines have focused on fuel strikes in Nigeria and their impact on fuel prices, South Sudan is also a key region to watch for the oil industry. 

The ongoing oil-transit dispute between South Sudan and Khartoum hasn't just threatened political stability in the region, but is a risk to investors, and international oil companies operating there.

Here's a map of emerging global risks from the past two weeks, and an article on the increasing business environment risk in South Sudan from Maplecroft.

map of emerging risks

Event

South Sudan threatened to instigate legal action in early January 2012 against any country or company implicated in purchasing what Juba alleges is oil stolen by Sudan. The announcement is the latest development in an ongoing dispute between South Sudan and Sudan over oil transit fees and pipeline usage. Following the imposition by Khartoum of monthly charges on South Sudanese oil transported through Sudan, South Sudan's Minister of Petroleum and Mining, Stephen Dhieu Dau, alleged in early January 2012 that Khartoum had illegally diverted 550,000 barrels of crude oil. Moreover, Sudan was accused of preventing ships entering or leaving Port Sudan because of their involvement in the transportation of South Sudanese oil. In addition to legal action, Dau has warned that any company perceived to be benefiting from allegedly diverted oil "will enjoy no future business with the Government of South Sudan".

Significance

Revenue from the oil industry remains highly important for both the Juba and Khartoum governments. This has accentuated tensions over oil transit fees and contributed to a faltering and disruptive negotiation process. The oil industry accounted for just under 98% of the South Sudanese administration's revenues in 2010, according to the country's National Bureau of Statistics. Meanwhile, Sudan has suffered serious macroeconomic instability as a result of South Sudan's independence in July 2011 – and the subsequent loss of 75% of its oil reserves – and is struggling to diversify its economy. Given the importance of the negotiations for both countries, the manner and speed with which a resolution is likely to be found remains unpredictable.

However, the importance of a functioning investment climate in the oil sector for both states suggests that an agreement – or a workable informal compromise – will have to be reached in the medium term. If this is not achieved, the fragile economies of both states could be severely harmed, thus risking further societal dislocation on either side of the new international border.

In addition, the involvement of international petroleum companies in oil transit-fee negotiations – which was announced in December 2011 – may boost the possibility of a business-friendly resolution. The removal of US sanctions on South Sudan's oil industry also creates the possibility of greater investment from western companies. Following its independence in July 2011, South Sudan inherited sanctions imposed on the Khartoum government. However, Susan Page, the US ambassador to South Sudan, announced in December 2011 that US sanctions had been removed, in an ostensible "tremendous benefit" to the country and investors. It may also be possible to by-pass the oil transit fee dispute in the longer term if plans for a pipeline through Uganda and Kenya (proposed by Total in December 2011) come to fruition. However, the feasibility of this project remains unclear.

Further volatility in the investment climate is likely in the short term

In the short term there continues to be the risk of provocative actions taken by both sides which could contribute to a worsening business environment. For instance, South Sudan effectively expropriated shares held by the Sudan National Petroleum Corporation (Sudapet), Sudan's state-owned oil company, in November 2011 as part of the ongoing wrangling between the states. South Sudan defended the policy as a "legitimate act of sovereignty", although Sudan branded the move an "arbitrary decision". However, the incident can be viewed within the context of the protracted division of the former Sudan into two states, and, therefore, is not necessarily indicative of a trend towards further expropriations in South Sudan.

Disruptions to oil revenue and foreign direct investment (FDI) in South Sudan also risk increased pressure on the government, which is already struggling to contain unrest in its northern border region and to control significant internal unrest. For instance, there has been severe instability in southern Jonglei State – particularly around Pibor – with rival ethnic groups carrying out attacks that have resulted in hundreds of deaths and the displacement of tens of thousands by January 2012. The unrest has largely taken place away from areas of oil production, although exploration could be affected. In addition, both the governments in Juba and Khartoum have accused their counter-parts of supporting rebel activity in each other's countries. While these accusations may not be clearly proven, rebel activity could be viewed as a tool being used to improve each country's relative bargaining position.

A resolution of the oil-transit dispute – along with a number of other outstanding independence issues – would also help to reduce the risk posed by rebel groups to oil infrastructure in South Sudan. For instance, the South Sudanese army warned in November 2011 that militias – which it alleges are backed by Sudan – were planning to attack oil-producing regions to claim them for Khartoum.

Forecast

With the oil transit fee issue unresolved, investors face the risk of cross-border transport disruption, potentially fluctuating costs and possible effects from oil confiscation in Sudan. Moreover, engagement in the industry could expose investors to an active role in a dispute which may contribute to conflict, while creating complicity risks by inadvertently funding the oppressive Sudanese regime. It is possible that further incidents will occur as part of the negotiating process, which would heighten tensions in the short- to medium-term. However, an oil industry which attracts FDI and produces significant revenues remains in the interest of both governments.

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It Looks Like The Newest Country In The World Is Effectively At War

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UN abeyi sudan

The tense situation between South Sudan and Sudan over disputed oil fields has been on the verge of blowing up into a full scale war for weeks.

Today AP is reporting that South Sudan's president has said that Sudan has now declared war on his country.

Salva Kiir made the comments at talks today in China with Hu Jintao, whom he is lobbying for economic support. Kiir argued that recent bombing attacks by Sudanese planes were effectively a declaration of war.

This could be a big deal, with other African nations and Chinese allies at risk of getting involved.

South Sudan, where demographics veer black African, declared independence from the largely Arab Sudan in 2011 after a bloody and protracted civil war.

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China Just Invested $8 Billion In South Sudan

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south sudan

China is continuing its massive investment project in Africa with an $8 billion injection of funds into Africa's newest country, the South Sudan.

South Sudanese Information Minister Barnaba Benjamin made the announcement at the weekend, Al Jazeera reports, with the huge loan earmarked for road, hydropower, infrastructure and agriculture projects.

However, given the perilous state of South Sudan, Sudan, and the region's huge oil fields, it's hard not to read further into the investments. Bloomberg reports that Chinese companies have been key in developing oil infrastructure in the country since the 1990s, before the domestic conflict that resulted in that infrastructure remaining vacant.

It's likely that China wants to see a return on that investment. A study from the Eurasia Group reported that a shutdown in January deprived China of about 260,000 barrels a day, and recent bombings and threats by both sides may have Beijing worried.

While its easy to suggest the investment may be a sign of support for the South Sudan, recent reports that Chinese ammunition had found its way to pro-Sudan militia in Darfur suggest the Chinese position is more complicated — a report from the International Crisis Group at the start of the month described it as a "delicate dance".

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Oil Conflict Has Drilled A $2.4 Billion Hole In Sudan's Finances

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Khartoum Sudan

KHARTOUM (Reuters) - Sudan's dispute with its southern neighbor over oil transit fees has created a 6.5 billion pound ($2.4 billion) gap in the country's public finances and caused exports to plunge 83 percent, the Sudanese finance minister said on Monday.

South Sudan inherited three-quarters of oil production when it gained independence from the North last July.

But the pipelines are in Sudan and the two have been unable to agree on how much the South should pay to transport its oil, with the row escalating into a low-level armed conflict in recent weeks.

After several rounds of failed talks to resolve that dispute as well as conflict over border demarcation and citizenship, there have been fears that full-scale war could break out in one of Africa's most significant oil regions.

Fighting has eased since Wednesday, when the U.N. Security Council threatened both sides with sanctions unless they resumed talks within two weeks.

The row caused South Sudan to shut off 350,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude output in January and the South's temporary seizure of a contested oilfield last month shut down nearly half of Sudan's 115,000 bpd output.

Sudan's oil minister has since said the Heglig oilfield is pumping oil again, without specifying production amounts.

Both countries' economies have been crippled by the absence of oil revenues.

"Not reaching a deal with the government of the South over transit fees and petroleum servicing has caused a gap in the public financial sector worth about 6.5 billion Sudanese pounds," Finance Minister Ali Mahmoud told lawmakers in an address on economic performance in the first quarter of 2012.

"Regarding exports, the first quarter of 2012 saw an 83 percent decline compared to the first quarter of 2011, and this happened because of the absence of oil."

Oil represents 90 percent of all Sudan's exports.

Mahmoud also said inflation in the first quarter rose to 21 percent from 12.9 percent in the same period last year.

($1 = 2.675 Sudanese Pounds)

(Writing by Yara Bayoumy; Editing by Duncan Miriri, John Stonestreet)

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The World's Newest Country Is Hunting For $4 Billion In Stolen Cash

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sudan, south sudan, flag, silhouette, best of 2011

NAIROBI, Kenya — South Sudan's president has written to dozens of government officials asking them to return $4 billion in stolen cash.

The letter, seen by GlobalPost, is dated May 3, 2012, and signed Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan. In it he writes, "The people of South Sudan and the international community are alarmed by the level of corruption in South Sudan ... The credibility of our government is on the line."

The letter continues: "An estimated $4 billion are unaccounted for or, simply put, stolen by current and former officials, as well as corrupt individuals with close ties to government." The letter was sent to 75 officials, past and present.

Kiir pleads for the swift return of the stolen money offering amnesty and anonymity to those who own up and pay up, and promising investigation and prosecution to those who don't. He says that he has already written to eight foreign governments seeking assistance in tracking down the pilfered cash. "Most of these funds have been taken out of the country and deposited in foreign accounts. Some have purchased properties, often paid in cash," he writes.

It is estimated that South Sudan earned around $12 billion in oil revenues between the 2005 peace deal that ended a long-running civil war and the South's independence last July. The 350,000 barrels per day pumped out of southern oilfields accounts for 98 percent of the government budget, but in January the South, which is embroiled in a dispute with its northern neighbor, switched off the pumps strangling both countries' economies.

The letter concludes on a somber note appealing to the ideals of the liberation movement the southern government once was: "We fought for freedom, justice and equality. Many of our friends died to achieve these objectives," Kiir writes. "Yet, once we got to power, we forgot what we fought for, and began to enrich ourselves at the expense of our people."

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GOLDMAN: South Sudan Can Fill The Iranian Oil Export Shortfall

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sudan, south sudan, flag, silhouette, best of 2011The shortfall in Iranian crude oil exports brought on by sanctions from the Western world against Iranian oil has "substantially exceeds" the Goldman Sachs energy team's expectations.

Commodities analysts David Greely And Stefan Wieler write in a note to clients that weakness in Iranian crude exports could continue throughout the second half of the year, restraining supply and thus keeping prices elevated.

However, Goldman sees South Sudan as an unlikely hero with the potential to make up for the shortfall in world oil markets. From the note:

A potential offset to the weaker-than-expected Iranian exports could be the return of crude oil supplies from South Sudan. A dispute between Sudan and South Sudan led to the shut-in of around 400 thousand b/d of supplies earlier this year. Last week, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir in Juba, urging both South Sudan and Sudan to settle the dispute. Just hours after this meeting, South Sudan and Sudan announced that they reached an agreement over oil transit fees (South Sudan is landlocked and its oil if must travel in pipelines running through Sudan in order to reach the world market), which could be the first step to end the dispute that resulted in the shut-in of all oil production from South Sudan and about half of Sudan’s output since late January this year.

Greely and Wieler caution that there is still much more work to be done in Sudan, though, before they can step up in the world oil market:

Despite the recent progress towards ending the dispute, the timetable of the return of crude oil from South Sudan to the global market is still very much unclear at this point as it will depend on much more than just agreeing on a transit tariff. The parties will resume talks in August 26 according to a report from the Sudanese state news agency. Should the oil from the Sudan return to the market, it would help offset the greater-than- expected impact of the EU insurance sanctions on world oil supplies.

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Scientists Rediscover The Super-Rare 'Badger Bat' [PHOTOS]

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Niumbaha Superba bat from the side

Scientists have found a rare bat in South Sudan so unique that they have decided to give it a new genus. 

Biologist DeeAnn Reeder of Bucknell University found the bat after being in the field about two weeks. She knew as soon as she held it in her hand that it was the "catch of a lifetime." 

See the bat >

"I was just ecstatic," Reeder told Business Insider. "Those moments in your life just come up so rarely."

The animal was seen for the first (and last) time in 1939, but the bat's unique stripes led the discovering scientist to misidentify it as a member of the Glauconycteris genus.  

"We figured out eventually that it was the same as this thing that had been described in the Congo in 1939," Reeder said. "And it was given a name at that time that was Glauconycteris superba, and I know the other animals in this genus Glauconycteris pretty well and when I had this animal in my hand in the field I knew there was no way it belonged to that group."   

Reeder brought it back to the Smithsonian and examined it. After about an hour, she and a colleague decided the bat was so different from every other species that it needed its own genus.

So, instead of Glauconycteris superba, Reeder called it Niumbaha superba, to honor the local Zande people, who live in the region of South Sudan where Reeder does her research.

South Sudan had been embroiled in conflict for decades before achieving independence in 2011. Very little of the country has been developed, and scientists have only recently been able to safely do research in the forests. Reeder thinks her rare badger bat is only a sign of all of the new discoveries scientists will make in the area.

"What it highlights is that there is so much about African biodiversity, particularly sub-Saharan African biodiversity that we just don't know," Reeder said.  

The bat was euthanized and preserved, and now is available at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington D.C. for researchers to study.

Some media organizations have called it the "panda bat," but Reeder said the stripes on the back reminded her more of a badger.



"It's a rare thing for a bat to be striped like that," said Reeder. "Typically when you see something striped like that — a badger or a skunk — it means 'stay away from me, I'm dangerous' or 'I'm toxic.'" 



"That was my first impression when I had this bat in hand," she said. "But that would be unheard of in a bat."



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South Sudan Is On The Brink Of An All-Out Civil War

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sudan

South Sudan risks sliding into all-out civil war, analysts warned Thursday, after days of battles between rival army factions that began in the capital spread to other volatile regions.

Fighting was sparked by what President Salva Kiir says was a coup attempt on Sunday by his arch-rival, former vice president Riek Machar, whom he sacked in July. The clashes have highlighted the bitter ethnic and political fault lines in the oil-rich but impoverished country.

"The scenario many feared but dared not contemplate looks frighteningly possible: South Sudan, the world's newest state, is now arguably on the cusp of a civil war," the International Crisis Group (ICG) warned in a report Thursday.

"Violence has spread beyond the capital, including to areas already fraught with ethnic tensions, principally Jonglei state, over which the government may have lost control."

Hundreds of people have been killed since the fighting erupted and thousands have fled their homes to seek protection at UN bases in the capital Juba.

Kiir and Machar hail from different ethnic groups and fought on different sides during Sudan's 1983-2005 civil war, ended by a peace deal that paved the way for the South's independence in 2011.

"This is arguably the most devastating politically motivated incident since 2005, when the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) was signed to end the north-south war of the old Sudan," the Juba-based Sudd Institute think tank said.

"The scenes of devastation remain almost unbelievable... from the wounds of dying men in hospitals, dead bodies piled up while relatives are too scared to venture out to identify their loved ones, the misery on the faces of the displaced."

Others are more cautious, noting that South Sudan has survived despite being plagued by long-running rebellions and armed groups, but say they there is no easy end in sight.

"The political fallout of this week's events is uncertain, although the standoff between the president and his opponents is likely to continue," said Ahmed Soliman from Britain's Chatham House, adding that it "may require foreign actors to broker peace".

Diplomacy, and fast

Bringing rivals to a negotiation table as quickly as possible will be key to stemming the spread of the fighting.

"The government and all political leaders on each side of the political divide should urgently seek dialogue to bring an end to any further escalation of the conflict," the Sudd Institute said.

"It may also be necessary for security, political leaders and civil society to hold rallies with communities most affected by this fighting and have discussions on how to move this country past these regrettable events."

But foreign mediation will likely also be necessary, they warn, with neighbouring Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia to send top officials to try to kickstart talks between warring sides.

The ICG called on Britain, Norway and the United States -- the "troika" group who backed the deal to end civil war in 2005 -- to again support the efforts.

China, the main buyer of South Sudan's oil, could also possibly play a role.

"Ethiopia and China have mediated between Sudan and South Sudan but it is uncertain whether they could facilitate compromise in the SPLM leadership struggle," Soliman said, referring to the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement.

But the challenges are huge.

South Sudan is awash with guns left over from decades of war, while top politicians have been accused of stashing millions of dollars of oil revenue into their private coffers.

Factions withing the ex-rebel turned official military, the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), are based on political as well as ethnic lines.

"Too much has been invested in South Sudan since its independence in July 2011 for it to fail so soon, and with the potential for such grievous violence," the ICG added.

"Even if a cessation of violence can be achieved and political dialogue established, the SPLA's re-opened wounds will be difficult to heal: if the fighting continues, that split will widen and engulf the entire country in a renewed war."

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US Aircraft Shot At In South Sudan

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South Sudan

Three US military helicopters were shot at in South Sudan on Saturday, an incident which left three Americans wounded, diplomatic and Ugandan military sources told AFP.

The helicopters were trying to land at Bor, the rebel-held capital of Jonglei state, and were forced to return to neighbouring Uganda with one of the aircraft hit and leaking fuel.

"There were three American helicopters which were shot at as they tried to land at Bor and they aborted landing," a Ugandan military official, who asked not to be named, told AFP.

"Three American officers were injured during the shooting incident. The three military helicopters have landed at Entebbe military airbase with the injured officers taken on a C-130 to Nairobi," the source added.

The source said the damaged helicopter was surrounded by fire fighters at a military airbase in Entebbe, outside the Ugandan capital Kampala, and was undergoing repairs.

A diplomatic source, who was briefed on the situation, confirmed the incident.

South Sudan army spokesman Philip Aguer said he could not confirm any aircraft had been hit by gunfire in Bor, but said that any attack was the fault of the forces loyal to deposed vice president Riek Machar, who have been pitted against government troops loyal to President Salva Kiir for the past week.

"Any such shooting is the fault of the forces of Riek Machar who have taken Bor... we are not there," he told AFP.

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The World's Newest Country Is One Step Closer To Civil War

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JUBA (Reuters) - South Sudan's government said on Sunday rebels had seized the capital of a key oil-producing region and fears grew of all-out ethnic civil war in the world's newest country.

The U.N. announced it was trying to rush more peacekeeping forces to landlocked, impoverished South Sudanas foreign powers urged both sides to stop fighting, fearing for the stability of an already fragile region of Africa.

The South Sudan government said on its Twitter account it was no longer in control of Bentiu, the capital of Unity State.

"Bentiu is not currently in our hands. It is in the hands of a commander who has declared support for Machar," it said.

Information Minister Michael Makuei said on Saturday an army divisional commander in Unity State, John Koang, had defected and joined rebel leader and former Vice President Riek Machar, who had named him the governor of the state.

But the government in Juba said it was still in control of the oilfields crucial to the economy.

U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told a news conference in Manila the U.N. planned to send resources from other peacekeeping missions in the region to South Sudan.

"We are now actively trying to transfer our assets from other peacekeeping missions like MONUSCO (in the Democratic Republic of Congo) ... and some other areas," he said.

"And we are also seeking support from other key countries who can provide the necessary assets."

Clashes between rival groups of soldiers in the capital Juba a week ago have spread across the country, which won its independence from Sudan in 2011 after decades of war.

President Salva Kiir, from South Sudan's Dinka ethnic group, has accused Machar, a Nuer whom he dismissed in July, of trying to launch a coup. The two men have long been political rivals.

Machar dismissed the charge but has since said he is commanding troops fighting the government.

MACHAR "ESCAPES BY BOAT"

Government soldiers had come across Machar with a group of fighters, Foreign Minister Barnaba Marial Benjamin said.

"Riek managed to escape, used his boat along the Nile and ended up in his village of Ado and went into Bentiu (the administrative capital of Unity) ... the night before, he attacked government institutions," Benjamin added.

On Friday mediators from other African states met Kiir in Juba for what they called "productive" talks. His government said it was willing to hold talks with any rebel group.

Kenyan Lieutenant-General Lazarus Sumbeiywo said on Sunday mediators had not yet made contact with Machar to hear his side of the story.

"I don't think it is feasible at the moment under the circumstances ... and so we will find another way of getting to Riek Machar. Not through Juba," Sumbeiywo told Reuters.

The army acknowledged losing the town of Bor in Jonglei State on Wednesday, and the United Nations said oil workers had taken refuge in its bases in neighboring Unity.

Reuters television footage showed the government sending more troops on Saturday to Bor - the scene of an ethnic massacre of Dinka in 1991 by Nuer fighters loyal to Machar.

Benjamin said Machar had not seized oilfields in Unity.

"Of course there is a threat. But ... he is not occupying the oilfields. The oil has been running."

Speaking in Khartoum, South Sudan's Ambassador Mayen Dut Wol also said oil was flowing normally. South Sudan's output of 245,000 barrels per day supplies almost all government revenues and hard currency to buy food and other vital imports.

The United Nations says hundreds of people have been killed in the conflict and around 62,000 people have been forced to flee their homes in five of South Sudan's 10 states. Around 42,000 of them were seeking refuge at U.N. bases, it added.

U.N. BASES LOOTED

"Looting of humanitarian compounds has been reported in Jonglei (Akobo and Bor) and Unity. Several U.N. and NGO compounds in Bor town have reportedly been completely looted, including vehicles stolen," the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said in a report.

A spokesman for U.N. peacekeepers said they were bringing in more aircraft from their logistics base in Entebbe in Uganda to South Sudan.

A diplomatic source at the U.N. in New York said elements of the U.N. intervention brigade in eastern Congo could help out in South Sudan, but would only reinforce security at U.N. bases and not try to confront armed groups.

The source said the U.N. had asked countries to help it get real-time satellite images of South Sudan and there was a possibility of using unmanned surveillance drones, currently deployed in eastern Congo.

The U.N. peacekeeping mission in South Sudan said on Sunday it was relocating non-essential staff and planned to reinforce its military presence in Bor and Pariang to protect civilians.

About 100 civilian staff were being relocated on Sunday, and 60 staff from other U.N. agencies left on Saturday.

Three U.S. aircraft came under fire from unidentified forces on Saturday while trying to evacuate Americans from the conflict. The U.S. military said four of its members were wounded in the attacks.

The United States safely flew a number of Americans from Bor to Juba on Sunday, the State Department said, adding that overall it had taken about 380 Americans and about 300 citizens of other countries out of South Sudan on four chartered flights and five military aircraft.

The U.N. mission in South Sudan said one of four U.N. helicopters sent to Youai, in Jonglei state, had come under small-arms fire on Friday. No crew or passengers were harmed.

(Additional reporting by George Obulutsa in Nairobi, Philippa Croome in Kampala, Lou Charbonneau in New York, Khaled Abdel Aziz in Khartoum and Missy Ryan in Washington; Editing by Andrew Roche)

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Mass Graves Found In South Sudan Amid Ethnic Violence

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South SudanGENEVA (Reuters) - A mass grave containing some 75 bodies has been found in South Sudan's Unity State and two other mass graves have been reported in the capital Juba after ethnic violence, the United Nations said on Tuesday.

U.N. High Commissioner for Human RightsNavi Pillay called on both sides to protect civilians and warned that political and military leaders could be held to account for crimes.

"Mass extrajudicial killings, the targeting of individuals on the basis of their ethnicity and arbitrary detentions have been documented in recent days," Pillay said in a statement. "We have discovered a mass grave in Bentiu, in Unity State, and there are reportedly at least two other mass graves in Juba."

President Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar, his former deputy, have both indicated they were ready to talk to try to end a deepening conflict that has killed hundreds of people since it erupted this month.

Western powers and east African states, anxious to prevent the fighting from destabilizing a particularly fragile region, have tried to mediate between Machar, who hails from the Nuer tribe, and Kiir, a Dinka.

Spokeswoman Ravina Shamdasani said that the bodies of 75 soldiers of the Sudan People's Liberation Army were believed to be in the mass grave in Bentiu visited by U.N. rights officers.

"They are reportedly all of Dinka ethnicity," Shamdasani told Reuters in Geneva, adding that the U.N. team had been unable to verify the numbers or identities.

U.N. rights officers had not yet been able to visit the sites of two other mass graves, Jebel-Kujur and Newside, near Eden, both in Juba, she said.

Pillay, a former U.N. war crimes judge, voiced deep concern about the safety of those arrested who are being held in unknown locations, including "several hundred civilians who were reportedly arrested during house-to-house searches and from various hotels in Juba". Hundreds of members of the South Sudan National Police Service were allegedly ordered to be disarmed and arrested from police stations across Juba, she said.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon sought urgently on Monday to nearly double the size of the U.N. peacekeeping force in the country.

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South Sudan Rebels Have Seized A Key Town

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JUBA (Reuters) - South Sudanese rebels loyal to former Vice President Riek Macharhave seized control of Bor, the capital of restive Jonglei state, the town's Mayor said on Wednesday.

Nhial Majak Nhial told Reuters government troops loyal to President Salva Kiir had made a "tactical withdrawal" to Malual Chaat army barracks, 3 km (2 miles) south of the town on Tuesday, after fighting that started at dawn.

"Yes they (rebels) have taken Bor," Nhial, said from the national capital Juba, 190 km south of Bor by road.

Western and regional powers have pushed both sides to end the fighting that has killed at least 1,000 people, cut South Sudan's oil output and raised fears of an ethnic-based civil war in the heart of a fragile region.

Information Minister Michael Makuei told Reuters on Monday Machar wanted to seize Bor so he could "talk from a position of strength" at peace talks, which were expected to start in neighboring Ethiopia on Wednesday.

Government officials said their troops had been battling the ethnic Nuer "White Army" militia and forces loyal to Peter Gadet, a former army commander who also rebelled against President Salva Kiir when the fighting broke out in the national capital Juba on December 15.

The clashes quickly spread, dividing the country along the ethnic lines of Machar's Nuer group and Kiir's Dinkas.

Humanitarian organizations say tens of thousands of Bor civilians have crossed the White Nile river to escape the fighting and fled to the swamps.

(Reporting by Carl Odera; Writing by Drazen Jorgic; Editing by Andrew Heavens)

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UN Report: Warlord Joseph Kony Is Hiding In South Sudan Enclave

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Leader of the Lord's Resistance Army Joseph Kony speaks to journalists after a meeting with U.N. humanitarian chief Jan Egeland at Ri-Kwamba in southern Sudan November 12, 2006. REUTERS/Stuart Price/Pool

Warlord Joseph Kony and some of his Lord's Resistance Army commanders are hiding in Sudanese-controlled areas of a disputed enclave in South Sudan bordering Central African Republic and Sudan, the United Nations said on Tuesday.

In a report to the U.N. Security Council on the activities of Kony's LRA, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said Sudan's government had indicated there were no elements of the group in the disputed Kafia Kingi enclave.

"However, credible sources suggest LRA leader Joseph Kony and senior LRA commanders have recently returned to seek safe haven in Sudanese-controlled areas of the enclave," Ban said.

Kony, who has been indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, waged a brutal guerrilla war against Ugandan government in the north of the country for nearly two decades, before fleeing with his fighters into the jungles of central Africa around 2005.

A 5,000-strong African Union Regional Task Force - supported by 100 U.S. Special Forces - has been hunting Kony and commanders, who are accused of abducting thousands of children for use as fighters in a rebel army that earned a reputation for chopping off limbs as a form of discipline.

"The LRA is currently believed to have split into several highly mobile groups operating with a significant degree of autonomy in the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo," Ban reported.

"They are involved primarily in survival mode activities which entail attacking civilians, killing, looting and kidnapping. There have been no reports of recent premeditated mass killings or other grave human rights abuses," he said.

According to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 65 LRA attacks were reported during the first quarter of 2014 in Central African Republic and Congo, during which 93 people were abducted and two people killed.

There were no LRA incidents in South Sudan in the past six months, according to the report.

It said senior LRA commanders are believed to be based in northeastern Central African Republic, where they are exploiting the instability to regroup. The virtually lawless country has been ravaged by sectarian violence after Seleka rebels ousted President Francois Bozize in March last year.

"It is also suspected that some ex-Seleka combatants as well as some community leaders may be in collusion with LRA and may be providing the group with information about RTF (regional task force) operations and supplies, including arms and ammunition," Ban said.

Uganda's military said in February a commander believed to be the deputy to Kony may have been killed last year in Central African Republic where the African Union force is hunting the insurgents.

The U.S. military said last month it is deploying four tilt-rotor transport planes to Uganda in response to African Union requests for airlift support in the hunt for Kony. The aircraft will be used to help African Union troops respond more quickly to tips on the whereabouts of Kony.

"Despite the continuing decline in LRA activity overall, the LRA still remains a serious threat, with its senior leadership intact and with the potential to destabilize the sub-region," Ban said.

(Reporting by Michelle Nichols; Editing by Steve Orlofsky)

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Providing Aid In Conflict Zones Is Getting More And More Dangerous

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Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) personnel ride on a tank after recapturing the Daldako area, outside the military headquarters in Kadogli

On Monday, a series of aerial bombs struck Sudan's South Kordofan province, home to communities who are sympathetic to the newly formed country of South Sudan.

Two bombs in particular struck a hospital run by the humanitarian medical organization Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Borders (MSF).

According to MSF, the bombs destroyed the emergency room, a dressing room, the pharmacy, and the hospital kitchen. In total, six people were injured, including one MSF worker.

As has become the norm, a military spokesman from the Sudanese Air Force denied its involvement. But the Sudanese government in Khartoum has been waging a campaign against the ethnic Nubans of Kordofan for the past several years, and it's unlikely the Nubans bombed themselves with their non-existent Air Force. According to MSF Head of Mission Brian Moller, the hospital was marked with “a medical red cross.” Moller emphasized, “We also had previously communicated the hospital’s position to the authorities in Khartoum.”

So while it's unclear whether MSF was targeted directly, it is clear that it's becoming more and more dangerous to be an aid worker. According to USAID statistics on international aid worker security in the last decade, the number of violent incidents against humanitarians has quadrupled, going from 63 in 2003 to 238 in 2013. Last year represented the high-water mark, with 153 aid workers killed, almost double the number killed during the height of the Iraq war in 2007.

The humanitarian space is shrinking, meaning it’s become increasingly difficult to help victims of conflict without becoming a victim of the conflict as well.

In 2011, I observed this phenomenon myself. I was deployed to Pakistan with Team Rubicon, a group of veterans who provide humanitarian aid in disaster zones. A dozen of us had volunteered to help with a medical mission to deliver support in the aftermath of record floods. More than one-fifth of the country was underwater, and a large swath of Pakistan's population was facing hunger and disease. Yet despite the scale of the disaster, there were very few other international aid organizations on the ground.

There's nowhere good to party in Kabul anymore. Read more here.

This lack of international response was due in large part to security concerns. The Pakistani Taliban had issued a public statement that they would be targeting Western aid workers who were responding to the floods. Most aid organizations had made the understandable calculation that the risk was too high. Sitting in a makeshift clinic that we had set up in northern Pakistan, I remember speaking with one of the few other Westerners who had risked the journey with us, a 30-year veteran of disaster response. "It used to be that you could practically drive an IRC [International Red Cross] truck through a firefight and nobody would shoot at you," he told me. "It was almost like the cross was a bulletproof vest. Now it’s a bullseye.”

African Union Central African RepublicCertainly the vast majority of humanitarian workers are able to conduct business without molestation.

Nor is the accidental killing of humanitarians anything new — aid workers in conflict zones have always faced risks.

What is new, however, is the targeting of aid workers and the increase in the number of attacks, kidnappings, and killings directed at them.

In the Central African Republic (CAR) over the past 16 months, MSF teams have experienced 115 security incidents, 31 of which were armed attacks.

In 2013, two MSF staff members and a patient were killed. In Somalia, which has become one of the most dangerous places in the world for humanitarian operations, MSF was forced to pull out in 2013 after several workers were targeted and killed. It ended almost 22 years of continuous MSF presence that began during the brutal civil war of the 1990s. "[Somalia] has always been a dangerous place," the organization stated when it left. "There's a limit to what we can accept, and the conditions that allow and permit humanitarian assistance in Somalia are no longer there."

There are several explanations for the rising risk of being a humanitarian worker. The nature of asymmetric warfare and counterinsurgency, along with the rise of non-state actors, appear to be changing the landscape. In traditional uniformed warfare with defined fronts, the distinction between combatants and non-combatants is more explicit. In the current conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, Somalia, and the CAR — the most dangerous places in the world to deliver aid — the vicious nature of the combat zones have created more civilian populations in need of care, and put more aid workers in the line of fire.

People in the aid community suggest a contributing factor to the shrinking humanitarian space is the military’s involvement in humanitarian assistance and how it blurs the line between aid and military operations, politicizes aid, and erodes the perception of aid as neutral and needs-based. When the military is conducting humanitarian assistance, it becomes much more difficult or much less necessary for an enemy to distinguish between combatants and non-combatants.

In her book Helping Hands & Loaded Arms: Navigating the Military and Humanitarian Space, author Sarah Jane Meharg argues that “a military involved in combat, while also conducting humanitarian operations in the same context, puts at risk both the civilians caught in the conflict and civilian agencies providing assistance.”

Most humanitarian organizations recognize that there is a time and place for the military to be involved with humanitarian assistance operations. This past November, I was in the Philippines, responding to Typhoon Haiyan victims. Military aid and airlift was essential and non-controversial.

But in some of the toughest conflicts in the world, the militarization of aid and the exploitation of that access by the military to conduct intelligence-gathering operations has been criticized for blurring the line between helping and hurting. The most high-profile example of this — although outside the context of the military — was the use of a CIA polio vaccination ruse to attempt to establish the identity of Osama Bin Laden in Abbotabad, Pakistan. The doctor involved with the operation has been arrested, and it's been reported that polio vaccinations have suffered a severe setback regionally. The CIA announced in May it will no longer use vaccinations as cover for operations or as a tool for intelligence gathering.

Saving South Sudan. Watch it here.

Still, the military is continuing to invest in humanitarian assistance and operations, a practice that continues to concern aid organizations. A 2013 report from the US Navy listed $7.1 million dollars in humanitarian aid destined for Africa.

Humanitarian corridors, safe spaces, demilitarized zones, and a commitment to work in conjunction with military forces to establish new protocols may provide some relief for aid workers in harm's way. But regardless, despite the dangers, many of the most dedicated humanitarians are simply willing to accept greater risk. In Sudan, MSF workers returned to the hospital to treat wounded villagers. “Damage to the Farandalla hospital is significant, but MSF will continue to work there,” a spokesperson for MSF said.

Sometimes in times of need, the good outweighs the grave.

VICE News Los Angeles Bureau Chief Kaj Larsen is a former Navy SEAL who has been involved in humanitarian operations in dozens of countries including Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Philippines, Somalia, and Kenya. He currently serves on the Board of Advisors and as a volunteer with Team Rubicon.

SEE ALSO: America's steel industry is reopening a Cold War dispute with Russia

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15 Beautiful And Tragic Photos Of South Sudan

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GlobalPost's Tristan McConnell returned to South Sudan this month to report on the humanitarian consequences of the conflict there which reignited six months ago, forcing 1.5 million people from their homes and threatening to push some to the brink of starvation.

As a trailer to his dispatch next week, here are 14 photographs from the town of Leer in Unity State, South Sudan. Leer is in rebel hands after fierce fighting and where hunger stalks the land.

For more photos from South Sudan, and elsewhere, check out Tristan's Instagram feed (@t_mcconnell) and please do check back next week for the full story.

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"Wellcome IN LEER": a rebel soldier stands guard outside a hotel requisitioned as a military base and administrative headquarters.

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South Sudan Has Reached The Lowest Point In Its Entire History

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Eight months old and weighing less than half what he should, Ruot Diang died in his mother’s arms on a Tuesday night earlier this month.

Doctors at the hospital where he was being treated in rural South Sudan thought it was tuberculosis that finally killed him, after malnutrition severely weakened his body. But they can't say for sure because the hospital’s lab — like its operating theater, emergency room and pharmacy — had been looted and burned when the country's latest civil war reached the town of Leer in January.

Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF, or Doctors Without Borders) reopened the hospital in May, and since then five children have died there. They are among the first victims of South Sudan's entirely man-made humanitarian crisis, but they won't be the last.

Malnutrition is already severe in much of South Sudan and is predicted to become famine in parts, including southern Unity State where Leer is located. The United Nations says 50,000 children could die in the months ahead as South Sudan’s political leaders wrangle abroad and the fighting rages at home.

Famine is usually largely manufactured, but there’s usually some climatic input, some bad weather, drought or failed harvest involved. Not in South Sudan. Last year’s harvest was above average and the weather has been just fine.

“It’s hard to find any natural, non-social factors for this crisis,” said Sue Lautze, head of the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in South Sudan.

And yet the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) says that more than one million already face emergency food insecurity and expects famine in some parts of the country unless humanitarian assistance is delivered urgently.

“This is a man-made humanitarian disaster,” said Susan Page, US ambassador to South Sudan. “It has set South Sudan back years.”

“Even if famine is staved off, 4 million people are still at risk of hunger,” said Page.

Those Most At Risk Are Children

Famine or not, children like Ruot are dying now, and will die in greater numbers in the weeks and months ahead, because 1.5 million people have been uprooted by conflict since December.

The dispossessed languish in camps in South Sudan (101,000 of them within 10 UN bases around the country) or have become refugees in neighboring Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan and Uganda.

In Leer families are trickling back into town to find charred outlines where their homes used to be and their larders and grain stores completely looted. Even if they have seed to plant it is too late because the rains have started, inundating dirt roads, isolating communities and cutting off what little trade survived the fighting.

There will be no harvest for people in Leer this year. “It’s too late now. This is a lost season,” said Lautze.

Those most at risk are children, like one-year-old twin boys Bichok and Both. Before the fighting they were healthy kids, their mother said. They had plump limbs and chubby cheeks. They would crawl around and laugh. Now they are scrawny and listless. The older twin, Both, has a rasping cough that makes him cry out.

The family lived in the village of Kuok, a day’s walk from Leer, until government soldiers swept through in mid-January. “The whole place was burned,” said Nyaway Kuony Thiec, the twins’ 35-year-old mother.

Thiec ran to the swamp to hide and waded in holding her baby boys above the water. For weeks the villagers hid together in the swamp by day, creeping back to higher and drier land by night. They got diarrhea from the river water they drank and cramps from the lily roots they ate to fend off perpetual hunger.

“It feels like nothing in your stomach,” she said. Her boys soon lost weight and fell sick.

When word reached her that the hospital had reopened, Thiec and her mother, Nyakuak, brought the twins here. They were found to be suffering from “severe acute malnutrition.”

On a Wednesday in early June there were 11 patients in the intensive feeding ward at Leer hospital. Ruot, who died the night before, had been the 12th.

Three weeks after the hospital reopened, 1,700 children enrolled in an outpatient feeding program which provided them with sachets of nutrient-rich peanut paste that can ward off the worst stage of malnutrition. During all of 2013 only 2,200 children joined the feeding program.

An initial screening of 600 children conducted in May found 7 percent suffering from severe acute malnutrition, determined by using a color-coded measuring tape around the upper arm. Unity State always grows less food than it consumes — this time of the year is commonly known as “the hungry season” or “hunger gap.” Usually trade and stores make up the shortfall, but this year fighting has disrupted both.

“Malnutrition is a huge, huge problem. It’s way beyond anything we’ve seen here before,” said Sarah Maynard, MSF’s project coordinator in Leer.

South Sudan Has Fallen Far And Fast

To reach Leer you either fly to the northern town of Bentiu then drive south for 75 miles, crossing the frontlines between government and rebel forces, or you can fly into the town’s dirt airstrip on a plane chartered from the capital.

Juba International Airport, the gateway to the new nation of South Sudan, hums with forlorn activity. The new terminal, intended to welcome dignitaries to independence celebrations in July 2011, is three years late and incomplete. Hulking Ilyushin-76 and C130 cargo planes chartered by the World Food Program (WFP) are parked on the apron to be loaded up for food drops. Scores of UN and aid agency light aircraft and helicopters line the runway, which is guarded by tanks and an anti-aircraft gun.

South Sudan currently exceeds even the more dire predictions of a “pre-failed state.”

Huge boisterous crowds greeted independence from Sudan. The nation was born with immense international goodwill, generous foreign support and a wealth of natural resources, including oil. But it was also hampered by unresolved disputes with Khartoum and internal strife ignored in the race toward independence.

More: 15 Beautiful And Tragic Photos Of South Sudan

Those internal tensions exploded on Dec. 15 when President Salva Kiir, a member of the majority Dinka tribe, accused his former deputy Riek Machar, a Nuer, of attempting a coup. Both men rallied their ethnic constituencies and the political rivalry quickly devolved into armed, tribal conflict that spread across half the country.

Both sides are accused of ethnic massacres, brutal rape, forced recruitment of child soldiers, deliberate targeting of civilians and other war crimes. UN peacekeepers have been killed and wounded. Political leaders have been meeting in Addis Ababa since January, paying lip service to peace while their soldiers repeatedly violate cease-fires.

Few believe Kiir and Machar are serious about ending the conflict.

“Negotiating in good faith is too much to expect of them,” said Jok Madut Jok, executive director of the Sudd Institute think tank in Juba.

They want the war to end, but on their terms. For now neither feels weak enough to give in nor is either one strong enough to win outright. Talks during the coming months may only be a prelude to more fighting when the rains stop.

“What does each get out of the settlement? That is the question,” said Jok. “And that is why military action is always looming.”

Meanwhile the people suffer.

“The hunger gap will be stronger and longer, and in places where agencies are not we will see a high mortality. For some it’s already too late,” said Raphael Gorgeu, MSF head of mission in South Sudan.

“This humanitarian crisis is because of the conflict and [the leaders] have to take responsibility for that and stop the fighting,” said Gorgeu.

Kiir has acknowledged the inevitability of famine as a direct result of the conflict but blames Machar for all of it.

The massive movement of a population fleeing war is only part of the problem. In Leer and elsewhere, basic infrastructure has been wrecked: hospitals, schools, government buildings and markets. Being one of the world’s least developed countries, many of the state’s responsibilities were borne by foreign aid and development agencies. Much of the gradual progress made over the nine years since a 2005 peace deal that ended decades of north-south civil war has been reversed in the last six months.

“We’re back to square one,” said Ettie Higgins, deputy head of UNICEF in South Sudan.

The Center Cannot Hold

Physical things can be rebuilt. MSF reopened its hospital in Leer, albeit with few supplies and mattresses on the floor because all the beds were stolen. But the country’s social fabric will take longer to repair.

“It’s not so much about the infrastructure. It’s the cohesion of the nation that has been destroyed,” said Esteban Sacco, deputy head of the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). “How do you rebuild this nation?”

The depth of division is stark in the squalid camp that has grown within the main UN base at Tomping, adjoining Juba airport. It is home to 14,500 Nuer people who live in safety within the camp but are afraid to leave it.

Abdu Manyal Dar is a businessman, tribal chief and Nuer community leader in Tomping. Like the others he fled here in mid-December as Dinka soldiers rampaged through the city. There is no hiding the ritual scarification that covers almost the whole of his face, branding him Nuer.

“I don’t go out,” said Dar. “They would kill me. You would not see me again.”

“If you were a Dinka you could not sit with me here,” he said. “How will this stop? I don’t know.”

A little over six months ago this place did not exist. When a Bosnian UN police officer who had survived the Srebrenica massacre as a young man saw thousands of Nuer approaching the barbed-wire fence, he ordered the gates to be opened.

Now, if you were to replace the branded blue and white plastic sheeting with thatch or corrugated iron, the camp at Tomping would look much like any other market town in South Sudan.

The main drag is a 10-minute walk of rickety shacks selling milk powder, charcoal, onions, cooking oil, rice and biscuits. There are cobblers and shoe-shiners, mobile phone chargers, video halls screening action movies and World Cup matches, restaurants and shisha bars. The smell of incense mingles with cooking fires and the stench from long-drop toilets.

It is socially stratified and regionally divided. An area called "VIP" is where politicians and other high-level Nuers have Thuraya satellite phones and dream of a return to power. Another called "Jamaica" is full of stoned young men who run the black market for alcohol and other contraband. There are different locations for people from Juba, from Jonglei, from Upper Nile and Unity states.

The high number of young men is unusual in a refugee settlement and worries the government. It looks at Tomping and sees thousands of aggrieved, fighting-age men occupying a strategic location next to the airport, a short charge from the president’s home and government offices.

Like any town, Tomping is awash with rumors. Dar whispered that he had compiled a list of 750 people who had “disappeared” from the camp since January and spoke of the recent killing of 20 Nuer whose heads and hands were cut off. Human rights groups investigating these claims found no evidence to support them.

And yet there is an underlying truth in the fear and danger from which these rumors sprout, according to residents and aid workers in the camp.

Men who step out of Tomping to use the showers along the western fence have been snatched by government soldiers who watch from a terrace of corrugated shacks across the road. Sometimes the men are returned, bloodied and beaten, after a couple of hours or a couple of days. Sometimes they do not return.

Women from the camp have been intercepted walking to the nearby market and taken by soldiers to a patch of wasteland next to the airport runway, where they are gang-raped in a metal shipping container within view of UN watchtowers.

To make matters worse, the crowded, unsanitary conditions have triggered a cholera outbreak in Juba. Pre-emptive vaccinations and the quick provision of clean drinking water and better toilets has kept cholera cases within the UN camps to a few dozen, but in the surrounding city there have been more than 1,700 reported cases and 37 deaths. Until May cholera had not been seen in South Sudan since 2009.

Disease, war, famine and death: four years on from its independence and South Sudan is likely to feel the ravages of all four of the Biblical horsemen of the apocalypse before the year is out. It is little wonder the people of South Sudan despair.

“People are now so divided and so determined to destroy each other, the brutality of the violence has been so extreme,” said Jok of the Sudd Institute. “South Sudan has reached the lowest point in its entire history.”

SEE ALSO: 15 Beautiful And Tragic Photos Of South Sudan

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Why It's So Hard To Stop Using Child Soldiers In South Sudan

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Birthdays are a time to reflect, even for countries.

South Sudan turns 3 years old today and this year it has decided to take stock of its estimated 9,000 child soldiers.

It's a staggering figure and one that has motivated the world's youngest nation — also one of its most troubled— to try to change its image amid brutal war.

Last month, South Sudan's national army, the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), recommitted to eliminating children from its ranks as part of the UN children's fund's star-studded “Children Not Soldiers” campaign. Afghanistan, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen are also working with the UN to stop the use of children by government security forces before 2016.

That's a tall order for South Sudan. Out of the estimated 9,000 child soldiers, the UN has verified only 298 (296 boys and two girls). Out of those, about half have been directly connected to the SPLA since war erupted in December. Opposition forces are believed to have significantly greater numbers of children in their ranks.

And former SPLA soldiers say the number of child soldiers is growing. 

Former SPLA who are ethnically Nuer accuse the government of recruiting child soldiers from the same tribe as President Salva Kiir to build a stronghold before fighting broke out in December 2013.

The war has pitted two ethnic groups, Dinka and Nuer, against each other. Nuer soldiers were driven from the army when fighting started.

In 2013, President Kiir traveled to Northern Bahr el Ghazal and Warrap states, ordering governors there to assemble fresh infantry. Young people from these remote, majority Dinka states were specifically targeted because they are generally less educated and easier to mobilize along ethnic lines. Kiir is from Warrap state.

"After the trip two battalions were created, each made up of 750 Dinka soldiers between the ages of 14 and 20," a former Nuer SPLA soldier said on the sidelines of a press conference in Juba last month. The soldier declined to give his name.

They were trained in the capital and replaced the Nuer troops who were driven out in December 2013.

One battalion is at Luri Mountain, the other at the president’s house. Both bases are impenetrable without top SPLA approval.

Since the president’s trip, Paul Malong Awan, the former governor of Northern Bahr el Ghazal, has been promoted to army general chief of staff.

Roots Of The Problem

In one of the poorest nations on Earth with a 20 percent literacy rate, employment with the national army is one of the only steadily paying jobs available.

South Sudan has not yet achieved universal birth registration. This makes it difficult to determine if an individual is over 18. Many people from rural areas don’t know their exact age. One of the anonymous Nuer soldiers added, “They don’t have knowledge of international laws.”

Before South Sudan gained autonomy and the SPLA became a national army, the force had thousands of children in its ranks fighting against Sudan in a war that claimed more than a million lives. In the mid-1980s and early '90s, as many as 20,000 children lived in Panyandong camp in Ethiopia where they were given military training and attended schools in the camp.

Majur Mayor, deputy chair of the National DDR Commission, which focuses on disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating ex-combatants, claimed that children have never fought for the SPLA. “You train them and you give them guns but only for protection,” he said.

Mayor said during the war with the north, before the secession, children needed the arms and training for their own protection. Now, he says, there is enough protection for them. Children are no longer armed and trained.

Mayor allowed that today some may linger in the army barracks for security, food or to perhaps make a bit of money watching the soldiers' things or cooking. If they are sighted, it is expected that they will be reported to the DDR’s Child Soldiers Unit.

Other SPLA admitted that children have fought with the army in the past, and said there may still be children serving as combatants.

Brig. Gen. Chaplain Khamis Edward, head of the SPLA Child Protection Unit, said it is difficult to monitor the current situation in parts of the north where much of the fighting is taking place. Right now, it is almost impossible to reach most of these areas by car. The child protection unit relies on reports from the UN, after which they work to remove the under-aged fighters.

Then children who are removed from the ranks are often from conflict areas, where their homes are destroyed or abandoned. So, they return to war.

Representatives admit the current conflict cannot help but contaminate any progress that has been made in stopping the use of child soldiers.

When asked if there are currently children serving with the national army SPLA spokesman Col. Philip Aguer replied: “I cannot say ‘no,’ and I cannot say ‘yes.’” 

SEE ALSO: 15 Beautiful And Tragic Photos Of South Sudan

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Even On Its Dismal Third Birthday, South Sudan's Independence Is Something Worth Celebrating

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On the third anniversary of its independence, South Sudan is arguably the most fragile country in the entire world.

Nearly a fifth of its population has been displaced since rival ethnic cadres of an elite army unit faced off in the national capital of Juba in December of 2013, setting into motion events that rapidly mutated into inter-communal atrocities and civil war. Interrupted supply lines and a truncated growing season are raising the specter of famine for the coming year. The government is resistant to internal reform, a full 70% of the military has defected or deserted, and South Sudan has failed to fully resolve a number of outstanding issues with the Republic of Sudan, from which it seceded in 2011.

Independence was supposed to resolve one of the world's longest-running conflicts, while redressing some of the worst abuses ever committed by an African government. But less than a half decade later, South Sudan is dealing with some of the biggest challenges that a country can face, as well as the likelihood that those problems will get substantially worse. 

It's legitimate to ask what South Sudanese Independence has actually achieved, especially with the existing state system under such strain elsewhere throughout the greater Middle East. In Iraq and Syria, the Islamic State of Iraq and The Levant (ISIS) has framed its blitz through Mesopotamia as a repudiation of the Sykes-Picot pact (the post-World War I-era demarcation of colonial borders in the Middle East) and everything it represents: the external imposition of borders, and imported concepts of republicanism and statehood. Iraqi Kurdistan seems better positioned for full independence than at any point in its history. But South Sudan's rough first few years suggests that there's some inherent value in keeping existing states together, and that dissolution actually creates as many problems as it solves.

This approach to the value of South Sudanese Independence is myopic, though. Civil wars and famines are horrible events, but they are also temporary. Independence is theoretically permanent, as are the responsibilities it demands and the opportunities it offers.

With that in mind, South Sudanese independence was a just solution to a cascade of historic wrongs. Independence rejected the strictures of the existing state system to place a long-disenfranchised people in charge of their own destiny. It was rare evidence that the world's biggest problems could be met with solutions that were equally massive, incredibly risky — and, inevitably, fair.

Some background: South Sudan became independent in 2011 as the result of a 2005 peace agreement that ended a decades-long civil war between the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), which fought on behalf of Sudan's non-Arab and mostly non-Muslim south, and the Arab and Muslim-dominated Sudanese government in Khartoum.

The conflict killed as many as 2.5 million people and was the second protracted post-independence civil war between Sudan's north and south, regions that were yoked into a single country under British colonial rule and were never really governed in anything resembling an equitable manner. They were two very different and mostly separate places, joined only by the Nile River and the particular needs of London and Khartoum — the latter of which fought to avoid a more general breakout of multi-ethnic yet Arab-ruled Sudan, and later to retain the South's oil wealth.

Notably, the leader of the SPLM during the peace negotiations did not want the south to become an independent nation, and supported a more general Sudan-wide democratization push. The National Congress Party in Khartoum, a nominally Islamist regime headed by perhaps the worst dictator on earth, made sure that the 2005 peace agreement wasn't the roadmap for a democratic "New Sudan" that it was originally intended as being.

But under the treaty, the South got to vote on an independence referendum in early 2011. And thanks to a combination of understandable southern cynicism towards the possibility of a nationwide solution to Sudan's problems, and U.S. pressure on Khartoum to allow a greatly neutered peace process to creep forward, the South was allowed to secede. It became an independent state on July 9th, 2011.

The major practical accomplishment of independence is that it makes re-escalation of the north-south conflict — which was a hot war for the better part of the past fifty years— an international rather than internal issue. If Khartoum wants to go to war against the south, it must do so as a coequal state, at least in the eyes of international law and the broader global community. Gone is the possibility of pseudo-genocidal policies inflicted from Khartoum. This alone is a success.

More importantly, independence forces both societies to deal with their own issues independently of the other's needs and influence. In reality, there has been plenty of aggression and mutual meddling between north and south since 2011, with both governments likely supporting rebellions within the other's territory, and feuding over oil revenues and the demarcation of a still-disputed border.

But the impact of independence has still been profound. In the north, ongoing ethnic conflict and stagnant quality of life have triggered occasional bouts of Arab Spring-style protests in Khartoum in the years after the country's breakup. Sudanese wonder how their leadership could bring the country to the point where its most resource-rich third was allowed to secede. They wonder at the national-level failure that the schism between North and South represents. Even the regime has admitted that independence has forced the country to consider a new mode of self-definition: just before the South seceded, dictator Omar Al Bashir announced that he was considering declaring Sudan an Islamic state after the split. Even this seems like an oblique admission that independence is moving Sudan towards an internal reckoning that even its oppressive government realizes it is badly in need of.

And in the South, independence has required Southerners to face the worst aspects of their recent history. The current civil conflict is a replay of an internal schism that led to a rash of ethnic violence in the early 1990s. National reconciliation and national are now closely intertwined. Then there's the issue of reforming the government, which largely consists of former guerrilla fighters and has a military rather than political character to it. These are huge problems, but at least they're problems that the south is empowered and indeed forced to solve on its own — problems whose solutions aren't being going to be dictated from somewhere else.

Three years ago, Juba, Khartoum, and the international community reached an ambitious resolution to a costly historical wrong. It wasn't inevitable, and the motives of all sides were never entirely pure. It was risky, and its consequences haven't been entirely positive.

But it happened. It was a rare instance in which fairness won out over ease. It forced two countries into a national-level self-reckoning that might otherwise have been permanently and tragically delayed. Even with famine and warfare looming, this is worth recognizing and perhaps even celebrating.

SEE ALSO: Why it's so hard to stop using child soldiers in South Sudan

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